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IGNOU MPSE-005 Previous Year Solved Question Paper in Hindi

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Q1. Trace how Africa came into being as a geographical and political entity.

Ans. The emergence of Africa as a geographical and political entity is a long and complex process, spanning from geological time to the modern era of state formation. As a Geographical Entity: Geographically, Africa is the world’s second-largest continent, characterized by immense physical diversity. It was the heart of the ancient supercontinent Pangaea . Its defining geographical features include the Sahara Desert, the Nile River, the Congo Basin, and the Great Rift Valley , often called the “cradle of humankind.” These diverse geographical features historically shaped the development of varied cultures and societies but also created barriers to internal contact and integration. Its identity as a continent is ancient, named “Africa” by the Greeks and Romans, initially referring to the northern coast. As a Political Entity: The evolution of Africa as a political entity has gone through several distinct phases:

• Pre-colonial Era: Before colonialism, Africa was not a single political unit but was home to numerous organised states and empires. For instance, West Africa had great empires like Ghana, Mali, and Songhai , while the East African coast had the Swahili city-states. These polities functioned with their own borders, systems of governance, and trade networks.
• The Colonial Scramble and the Berlin Conference: The modern political map of Africa was constructed by European colonial powers. At the Berlin Conference of 1884-85 , European powers partitioned Africa among themselves according to their interests, in a process known as the “Scramble for Africa.” This partition was entirely arbitrary, paying no regard to existing ethnic, linguistic, or cultural boundaries. It forced rival groups into single colonies and split unified communities across different colonial borders. This process laid the foundation for the artificial nation-states that exist in Africa today.
• Post-Independence Era: When African countries gained independence in the mid-20th century, they inherited these colonial borders. The Organisation of African Unity (OAU) , now the African Union (AU), made the decision to uphold these borders to avoid further conflict and border wars. Thus, Africa today is a collection of 54 sovereign nations whose political identity is deeply shaped by the colonial legacy, even as they work towards a unified “African” identity and continental cooperation.

In summary, while Africa’s geographical identity is ancient, its current political configuration as a continent of nation-states is primarily a product of colonial intervention.

Q2. Discuss the patterns of colonization in Africa.

Ans. Colonization in Africa was not a uniform process; it was marked by distinct policies and approaches adopted by different European powers. These patterns can be broadly categorized based on the administrative style of the colonizing power and the purpose of the colony. The major patterns of colonization in Africa are as follows: 1. British: Indirect Rule: The British, particularly in West Africa (e.g., Nigeria) and parts of East Africa (e.g., Uganda), adopted a policy of Indirect Rule . The architect of this system, Lord Lugard, theorized that it was more effective and cheaper to rule through existing traditional rulers (chiefs, emirs). British officials acted as supervisors, while day-to-day administration was left in the hands of local leaders. This was intended to reduce the cost of governance and minimize local resistance. However, this policy often distorted traditional power structures, made certain chiefs autocratic, and promoted a “divide and rule” strategy that later fueled ethnic tensions. 2. French: Assimilation and Association: The initial goal of French colonization was Assimilation , aiming to absorb a small elite of Africans into French culture, language, and citizenship. These “evolved” Africans ( évolués ) could, in theory, become French citizens. This policy was applied in colonies like Senegal. When this proved impractical and expensive, the French shifted to a policy of Association , which acknowledged the existence of African institutions but kept them subordinate to French control. The ultimate goal of both policies was to integrate Africa into France’s cultural and political sphere of influence. 3. Portuguese: Exploitation and Lusotropicalism: Portugal held onto its colonies, such as Angola and Mozambique, for a very long time. Their policy was highly exploitative, featuring the widespread use of forced labour ( chibalo ) . They promoted an ideology of “Lusotropicalism,” which claimed that their colonialism was more racially tolerant and humane. In reality, they also used a system of assimilation ( assimilados ), but very few Africans were ever granted full citizenship. Portuguese rule was repressive and led to long and violent wars of independence. 4. Belgian: Paternalism and Economic Exploitation: Belgian rule in the Congo, particularly under King Leopold II, was one of the most brutal colonial models. It was based on Paternalism , which treated Africans as children in need of guidance but denied them any political rights or higher education. The main focus was on maximum economic exploitation of resources like rubber and ivory, which led to the deaths of millions and massive human rights abuses. Despite these different patterns, the common outcome of all was the political subjugation, economic exploitation, and social disruption of African societies, which laid the foundation for the challenges of post-independence states.

Q3. Delineate the Independence Movement in Africa.

Ans. The independence movement in Africa was a pivotal 20th-century phenomenon that completely reshaped the continent’s political landscape. The movement was driven by a variety of factors and employed diverse strategies to achieve freedom. Causes for the Rise of the Independence Movement:

• Colonial Exploitation: Economic exploitation, lack of political rights, land alienation, and racial discrimination created widespread resentment against colonial rule.
• Western Education and the New Elite: A new class of Africans was educated by European missionaries and colonial administrations. These intellectuals absorbed Western ideas of liberty, democracy, and self-determination and exposed the contradictions of colonial rule.
• Impact of World War II: Thousands of African soldiers fought for the Allies. Their experience fighting for freedom and democracy inspired them to demand these same rights in their own countries. The war also weakened the colonial powers, Britain and France, economically and militarily.
• Pan-Africanism: Promoted by thinkers like W.E.B. Du Bois and Marcus Garvey, Pan-Africanism fostered a sense of unity and solidarity among people of African descent. The 1945 Manchester Pan-African Congress was a turning point, where future leaders like Kwame Nkrumah and Jomo Kenyatta demanded complete independence.

Paths to Independence:

African countries took two main paths to independence:

1. Peaceful Constitutional Transition:

Many countries, especially in British West Africa, achieved independence through negotiation, constitutional reforms, and mass political mobilization.

Ghana

, led by Kwame Nkrumah, became the first sub-Saharan African country to gain independence in 1957. Nkrumah’s strategy of “Positive Action,” involving civil disobedience and strikes, compelled the British to transfer power. Similarly, Nigeria and many other nations gained independence through peaceful means.

2. Armed Liberation Struggle:

In regions with a significant number of European settlers (settler colonies) or where the colonial power was unwilling to relinquish control, independence was won through violent conflicts.

• Algeria: Fought a brutal and protracted war (1954-1962) against France, led by the National Liberation Front (FLN).
• Kenya: The Mau Mau rebellion (1952-1960) challenged British rule. Although brutally suppressed, it accelerated the process towards independence.
• Portuguese Colonies (Angola, Mozambique): These countries endured long guerrilla wars for freedom, which only ended after the 1974 revolution in Portugal itself.

The independence movements not only achieved political freedom but also created a new sense of African identity and pride. However, the colonial legacy also left these new nations with serious challenges.

Q4. Examine the nature of the state in Africa.

Ans. The nature of the state in Africa is complex and multi-faceted, deeply shaped by its colonial heritage, post-independence developments, and contemporary global dynamics. The concept of the “post-colonial state” is central to understanding its characteristics. The key features of the nature of the African state are: 1. Inherited Artificial Boundaries: The African state exists within artificial borders drawn by colonial powers. These borders ignore ethnic, linguistic, and cultural realities, resulting in a lack of national cohesion in most states. This has meant that “state-building” has occurred, but “nation-building” remains a constant challenge, often leading to ethnic conflicts. 2. Neo-patrimonialism: Many African states are characterized by neo-patrimonialism . This is a hybrid system where the formal institutions of a modern, rational-legal bureaucracy exist, but real power is exercised through personal, patron-client relationships. The ruler maintains loyalty by distributing state resources (e.g., jobs, contracts) to his supporters and clients. This fosters corruption and weakens state institutions, as personal ties override laws and procedures. 3. The Rentier State: Many African nations are “rentier states,” meaning their economies are heavily dependent on “rents” or revenues derived from the export of a few primary commodities (e.g., oil, minerals). This revenue accrues directly to the state, making the government more reliant on distributing resources than on taxing its citizens. This inverts the principle of “no taxation without representation,” making governments less accountable to their societies. 4. Weak Legitimacy and Sovereignty: The African state often suffers from a crisis of legitimacy. It is externally created and often fails to meet the needs of its citizens. Furthermore, its sovereignty is often described as “quasi-sovereignty,” being heavily dependent on external powers, international financial institutions (IMF, World Bank), and aid donors. These external actors significantly influence their domestic and foreign policies. 5. The Soft State: The idea of the “soft state,” coined by Gunnar Myrdal, applies to many African states. It signifies a lack of capacity to enforce laws, collect taxes, and effectively implement its policies. Indiscipline and corruption are widespread in the bureaucracy, further undermining the state’s effectiveness. In essence, the state in Africa is a paradoxical entity—sovereign and powerful on the surface, but often weak, internally divided, and dependent on external influences.

Q5. Elaborate upon the history of development in Africa.

Ans. The history of development in Africa since independence has been a fluctuating journey of different strategies, ideologies, and outcomes. It can be broadly divided into the following phases: 1. Post-Independence State-Led Development (1960s-1970s): Immediately after independence, most African leaders adopted a state-led development model, influenced by modernization theory . Under this approach, the state was seen as the main driver of the economy.

• Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI): Many countries pursued ISI, a strategy to promote domestic industries by imposing tariffs on imports and subsidizing local production.
• Nationalization: Key sectors of the economy (e.g., mining, banking) were nationalized to ensure state control.
• Social Spending: There was heavy investment in social services like education and health, leading to initial improvements in literacy and life expectancy.

This phase saw some early successes, but these models often proved to be inefficient, prone to corruption, and vulnerable to external shocks.

2. Crisis and Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) (1980s):

The oil crises of the 1970s, falling commodity prices, and mounting debt plunged most African economies into crisis. During this “Lost Decade,” the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank imposed

Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs)

as a condition for loans to indebted countries.

The key conditions of SAPs were:

• Liberalization: Reducing trade barriers and opening up markets.
• Privatization: Selling off state-owned enterprises.
• Austerity: Cutting government spending on social sectors like education, health, and food subsidies.

SAPs failed to bring economic stability and instead had severe social consequences, including increased poverty, unemployment, and inequality.

3. Shift towards Governance and Poverty Reduction (1990s-2000s):

Following the failure of SAPs, there was a shift in development thinking. The emphasis moved to “Good Governance,” democracy, human rights, and fighting corruption. The World Bank and other donors began to link their aid to these conditions.

Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs)

replaced SAPs, emphasizing civil society participation, though critics argued they were still externally driven.

4. “Africa Rising” and Sustainable Development (21st Century):

From the early 2000s, many African economies experienced strong growth, captured by the “Africa Rising” narrative. This was driven by a commodity price boom, improved economic management, debt relief, and growing investment from new partners like China. In recent years, the focus has shifted to the

Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

, attempting to balance economic growth with environmental sustainability and social inclusion. Initiatives like the

African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA)

aim to bring about structural transformation by boosting intra-African trade.

Despite this progress, Africa still faces profound challenges of poverty, inequality, conflict, and climate change.

Section—II

Q6. Write a note on military regimes in Africa.

Ans. Military regimes have been a recurrent and significant feature of Africa’s post-independence political history. From the 1960s through the 1990s, a majority of countries on the continent experienced military coups d’état and subsequent rule by military governments. While the wave of democratization in the 1990s saw a decline in their prevalence, recent years have witnessed a resurgence of military rule in parts of West Africa. Causes for Military Intervention: Several factors explain why African militaries have seized political power:

• Political Instability and Weak Civilian Institutions: In newly independent states, weak political parties, corruption, and ineffective governance provided an opportunity for the military to intervene.
• Corruption: Widespread corruption in civilian governments is often cited as a primary justification for a coup, with the military presenting itself as the “saviour of the nation.”
• Ethnic Tensions: When civilian leaders favour their own ethnic group, the military, often seen as a national and non-ethnic institution, may step in.
• Economic Crisis: Poor economic performance, high inflation, and unemployment lead to citizen discontent, creating an opening for the military to take power.
• Corporate Interests: The military also has its own institutional interests, such as increased budgets, better equipment, and political influence, which can motivate them to seize power.

Characteristics of Military Regimes:

Once in power, military regimes typically display the following characteristics:

• Suspension of the Constitution: The military junta often suspends the constitution, dissolves parliament, and bans political activities.
• Authoritarian Rule: Governance is by decree, and fundamental rights and freedoms are curtailed. Freedom of the press is suppressed, and dissent is met with force.
• Claims to Legitimacy: Military rulers often try to legitimize their rule by promising to restore order and stability, fight corruption, and improve the economy. They usually promise a return to civilian rule, but this process is often prolonged.

Impact and Legacy:

Although some military regimes initially brought stability, their long-term records have been largely negative. They have been responsible for human rights violations, blocked political development, and often proved to be just as corrupt and inefficient as the civilian governments they replaced. In the 1990s, internal and external pressure led to the demise of many military regimes and the restoration of multi-party democracy, but the military remains a powerful political actor.

Q7. Examine the role of military in politics.

Ans. The role of the military in African politics is not limited to staging coups and establishing military regimes. It is a complex and multi-faceted role that varies depending on the country’s historical, social, and political context. The military’s role can be understood on a spectrum ranging from protector to predator. 1. As Guardian of the Nation: The traditional and constitutional function of the military is to defend the nation from external threats and maintain internal security. In many African countries, the army is perceived as a symbol of national unity and sovereignty. In times of crisis, such as civil unrest or political deadlock, the military is often seen as the “guardian of the nation,” called upon to intervene to restore order. Coups are often justified on this basis, with the military claiming it is saving the country from corrupt and incompetent civilian leaders. 2. As an Agent of Modernization: In the early days of independence, some scholars (like Morris Janowitz) argued that the military, being a modern, disciplined, and technologically advanced institution, could play a positive role in modernization and nation-building. It was believed that military officers were more nationalistic and less parochial than civilian politicians and could promote economic development. This view, however, has been largely disproven, as military rulers have often engaged in economic mismanagement and repressive policies. 3. As a Political Actor: Even under civilian rule, the military often remains a powerful political actor, exerting influence from “behind the scenes.” Its large budget, monopoly over defence and security policy, and the implicit threat of a coup give it significant leverage over civilian governments. This situation is referred to as “Praetorianism,” where the military dominates the government even if it is not directly in power. Governments often appease the military by maintaining its budget and privileges to ensure its loyalty. 4. As an Economic Actor: African militaries often play a significant role in the economy. Military officers may become involved in business enterprises in sectors such as agriculture, construction, transport, and mining. This involvement can breed corruption and dilute the professional focus of the military. In some cases, the military uses state resources for its own benefit, becoming a “predatory” institution. Civil-Military Relations: Healthy civil-military relations are crucial for a stable democracy in Africa. This involves establishing strong civilian control over the military, professionalizing the armed forces, and keeping them out of politics. This remains a persistent challenge, as the military’s political role is deeply entrenched in many countries.

Q8. Enumerate and describe the key features of African foreign trade.

Ans. The structure and pattern of African foreign trade reflect its colonial legacy and its position in the global economy. Its key features are as follows: 1. High Dependence on Primary Commodities: The exports of African countries are heavily concentrated on a few primary commodities. These include crude oil, natural gas, minerals (like copper, cobalt, diamonds, gold), and agricultural products (like cocoa, coffee, cotton). For example, Nigeria’s and Angola’s exports are almost entirely dependent on oil, while Zambia relies on copper. This dependency makes African economies extremely vulnerable to price fluctuations in global commodity markets. 2. Limited Manufacturing and Value Addition: African countries do very little processing or value addition to their raw materials. They export raw materials and then import expensive manufactured goods. For example, a country might export raw cocoa beans and import chocolate. This creates “adverse terms of trade,” where export earnings are insufficient to cover the cost of imports, leading to trade deficits. 3. Low Intra-African Trade: A very small share of Africa’s total trade (around 15-17%) takes place within the continent. Most trade is with external partners like Europe, Asia, and North America. The reasons for this include poor infrastructure (roads, ports), trade barriers, similar production structures (countries produce similar goods rather than complementing each other), and complex customs procedures. The recently launched African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is an ambitious attempt to address this problem and boost intra-African trade. 4. Diversification of Trade Partners: Historically, Africa’s trade was concentrated with its former colonial powers (e.g., UK, France) and the European Union. However, in the 21st century, there has been a significant diversification of trade partners. China is now Africa’s single largest trading partner, importing African resources in exchange for financing and building infrastructure projects. Other emerging economies like India, Brazil, and Turkey have also become important trading partners. 5. Persistent Trade Deficits: Most African countries face persistent trade deficits, meaning they import more in value than they export. This is caused by the low prices of primary commodities and the high cost of manufactured goods. This deficit is often financed through foreign aid, remittances, and foreign debt, which further increases external dependency.

Q9. Discuss the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and India-Africa relations.

Ans. The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and India-Africa relations are historically deeply intertwined. NAM provided the foundational bedrock for these relations, and the partnership has continued to evolve and strengthen long after the end of the Cold War. The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and Africa: Founded in 1961, NAM was a forum for newly independent countries to maintain an independent foreign policy, separate from the two major power blocs led by the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. For Africa, NAM was of particular importance:

• Anti-Colonialism: NAM strongly supported African liberation movements and provided a global platform to fight against racist policies like Apartheid in South Africa.
• Sovereignty and Equality: The movement was based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all nations, which was crucial for new African states to assert their independence and identity.
• Economic Justice: NAM advocated for a New International Economic Order (NIEO), which aimed to reform the global economic system in favour of developing countries, a goal that resonated with African interests.

India, as a founding member of NAM, played a leading role in promoting these principles and became a natural ally of African nations in this process.

India-Africa Relations:

The bond between India and Africa is rooted in a shared colonial experience, cooperation in NAM, and the legacy of Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa. Contemporary relations are multi-faceted and span several areas:

1. Political and Diplomatic Relations:

India and Africa work closely together in the United Nations and other international forums within the framework of “South-South Cooperation.” They often share similar views on issues concerning the interests of the developing world. The

India-Africa Forum Summit (IAFS)

, which began in 2008, has become a key platform for institutionalized engagement at the highest level.

2. Economic Relations:

Economic ties have grown exponentially. India is one of Africa’s top trading partners. Indian companies are significant investors in Africa in sectors like telecommunications, IT, pharmaceuticals, agriculture, and energy. India also provides Lines of Credit to Africa, often on concessional terms, which are used for infrastructure projects.

3. Development Partnership and Capacity Building:

India’s development partnership is based on principles of being demand-driven and for mutual benefit, which distinguishes it from Western donors. Under the

Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC)

programme, thousands of African professionals are trained in India in various fields. India has also established numerous capacity-building institutions across Africa, such as IT centres and vocational training centres.

4. Security Cooperation:

India has been a major troop contributor to UN peacekeeping operations in African countries. It also collaborates on anti-piracy operations and the training of African defence forces.

In essence, the historical solidarity forged by NAM has evolved into a robust, multi-dimensional partnership focused on trade, investment, and development cooperation.

Q10. Elaborate upon the features of UN peacekeeping in Africa.

Ans. Africa has been the primary theatre for United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations since the end of the Cold War. The complex and protracted nature of conflicts in many of the continent’s nations has fundamentally shaped the nature of these missions. The key features of UN peacekeeping in Africa are as follows: 1. High Concentration of Missions: The majority of the UN’s largest and most expensive peacekeeping missions are concentrated in Africa. For instance, the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO), South Sudan (UNMISS), Mali (MINUSMA), and the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) host some of the world’s largest multidimensional peacekeeping operations. This reflects the prevalence and intensity of conflict on the continent. 2. Multidimensional and Complex Mandates: Modern peacekeeping missions in Africa have moved far beyond traditional peacekeeping, which involved merely monitoring ceasefires. They now have complex and multidimensional mandates that include:

• Protection of Civilians (PoC): This is often the core task of these missions, where peacekeepers are authorized to intervene proactively to protect civilians from physical violence.
• State-building and Institution-building: Missions often assist national governments with Security Sector Reform (SSR), Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) of ex-combatants, and strengthening the rule of law.
• Support for Humanitarian Assistance: They help to ensure safe access for humanitarian agencies.
• Support for Political Processes: This involves assisting in the organization of elections and monitoring the implementation of peace agreements.

3. Robust Peacekeeping and the Use of Force:

Many African missions are authorized under “Chapter VII” of the UN Charter to use force, not just in self-defence but also to enforce their mandates. For example, MONUSCO had an “Intervention Brigade” tasked with conducting offensive operations to neutralize armed groups. This blurs the line between peacekeeping and peace enforcement.

4. Challenges and Limitations:

UN peacekeeping in Africa faces severe challenges:

• Inadequate Resources: Missions often face a shortfall of troops, equipment, and funding to effectively fulfill their vast mandates.
• Security Risks: Peacekeepers are often directly targeted by armed groups, terrorists, and other spoilers, making Africa the most dangerous place for peacekeepers.
• Sovereignty Concerns: Host-country governments sometimes view UN intervention as a violation of their sovereignty and are reluctant to cooperate.
• Partnership with the African Union: The UN is increasingly working in partnership with the African Union (AU) and other regional organizations. For example, the AU mission in Somalia (AMISOM/ATMIS) is logistically and financially supported by the UN. This reflects the principle of “African solutions to African problems,” but challenges of coordination and funding remain.

Overall, UN peacekeeping in Africa is an evolving, dynamic, and highly challenging endeavor that remains crucial for peace and security on the continent.