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IGNOU MPSE-004 Previous Year Solved Question Paper in Hindi

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Q1. Examine the relationship between religion and polity in pre-modern India.

Ans. In pre-modern India, the relationship between religion and polity was deeply intertwined and inseparable. The two were mutually dependent for political legitimacy and the maintenance of social order. This relationship can be observed in distinct forms across the ancient and medieval periods. Ancient India: In ancient India, the concept of ‘Dharma’ provided the foundational basis for the polity. ‘Dharma’ was not merely worship but a comprehensive set of moral and social codes. The king’s foremost duty was to uphold ‘Rajdharma’ , which meant protecting the subjects and maintaining the social order (Varnashrama Dharma).

• Brahmana-Kshatriya Relationship: The Brahmanas (priestly class) interpreted the scriptures and performed rituals and sacrifices for the kings (Kshatriyas), which conferred divine legitimacy upon their rule. In Kautilya’s ‘Arthashastra’ , while there is an emphasis on secular governance, the king’s duties are still linked to Dharma.
• Ashoka’s ‘Dhamma’: The Mauryan emperor Ashoka adopted a policy of ‘Dhamma’ (the Prakrit form of Dharma), which was a moral code. It was inspired by Buddhism but was acceptable to all sects. Ashoka used it as a political tool to promote the moral upliftment of his subjects and to unify his vast empire.

Medieval India:

With the advent of Islam, the relationship between religion and polity took a new form.

• Delhi Sultanate: The Sultans presented themselves as deputies of the Caliph to grant legitimacy to their rule. The ‘Ulema’ (Islamic scholars) exercised significant influence on governance and insisted on the application of ‘Sharia’ (Islamic law). However, in practice, Sultans often followed ‘Zawabit’ (state laws) which could differ from Sharia.
• Mughal Period: Under the Mughals, this relationship became more complex. Akbar adopted a policy of ‘Sulh-i-Kul’ (peace with all) and founded a syncretic creed called ‘Din-i-Ilahi’ , aimed at uniting the diverse religious groups of the empire. This was an attempt to subordinate religion to politics. In contrast, Aurangzeb adopted a more orthodox policy by re-imposing ‘Jizya’ on non-Muslims and emphasizing Islamic piety.

In conclusion, in pre-modern India, whether it was the Hindu ‘Rajdharma’ or the Islamic ‘Sharia’, religion remained a critical source of legitimacy for political authority. Rulers used religion to consolidate their power and integrate their empires, creating a symbiotic yet often tense relationship between religion and polity.

Q2. Write a note on the revolt of the tribals during national movement.

Ans. During the Indian national movement, parallel to the mainstream freedom struggle, numerous tribal revolts erupted in different parts of the country. These revolts were a direct consequence of British colonial policies that severely disrupted the life, livelihood, and culture of the tribal people. Though often under-represented in mainstream history, these uprisings form an integral part of India’s anti-colonial struggle. Main Causes of the Revolts:

• Land Alienation and Forest Policies: The British government classified forests as ‘reserved’ and ‘protected’, restricting the use of forest produce and depriving tribals of their traditional livelihoods. The communal land of the tribals was converted into private property, making them vulnerable to exploitation by outsiders (‘dikus’) – moneylenders, traders, and zamindars.
• Cultural Interference: The activities of Christian missionaries and the ‘civilizing’ mission of British administrators were perceived by the tribals as an assault on their identity and culture.
• Economic Exploitation: Tribals were forced into taking loans at exorbitant interest rates and often became bonded labourers. The new revenue systems also placed a heavy burden on them.

Major Tribal Revolts:

1. Santhal Hul (1855-56): Led by Sidhu and Kanhu Murmu, this revolt in the Jharkhand region was against the exploitation by zamindars, moneylenders, and British officials. It was one of the largest and most organized tribal uprisings.
2. Munda Ulgulan (1899-1900): Led by Birsa Munda , this revolt was against the land grabbing by ‘dikus’ and the destruction of the traditional socio-political system. Birsa Munda founded a new religion, ‘Birsait’, and called for the establishment of an independent Munda Raj.
3. Rampa Rebellion (1922-24): In the Godavari region of Andhra Pradesh, this revolt was led by Alluri Sitarama Raju against the restrictions of the Madras Forest Act, 1882. Raju was inspired by Gandhian ideals but believed that independence could only be won through the use of force.

The character of these revolts was often local, violent, and millenarian, envisioning the restoration of a golden age. Although brutally crushed by British military power, these revolts shook the foundations of colonial rule. They awakened tribal consciousness and prepared the ground for future political movements. These uprisings drew the attention of national movement leaders to tribal issues, even if they could not be fully integrated into the mainstream struggle.

Q3. Analyse the 1907 Surat split in Congress as a watershed in India’s struggle for independence.

Ans. The split in the Indian National Congress at its Surat session in 1907, famously known as the ‘Surat Split’ , was a significant and decisive turning point in India’s struggle for independence. The split was the culmination of growing ideological and methodological differences between the two main factions of the Congress – the Moderates and the Extremists . Background and Causes of the Split: The Partition of Bengal in 1905 had infused a new energy into Indian nationalism and accelerated the rise of Extremist ideology. The Extremists, led by Lala Lajpat Rai, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, and Bipin Chandra Pal (popularly known as Lal-Bal-Pal ), were dissatisfied with the Moderates’ politics of ‘Prayer, Petition, and Protest’. They advocated for more militant and direct action. The differences came to a head at the Surat session in 1907 over two main issues:

• Election of the President: The Extremists wanted Lala Lajpat Rai or Bal Gangadhar Tilak as the president, while the Moderates supported Rashbehari Ghosh.
• Disagreement on Resolutions: The Extremists wanted the resolutions on Swadeshi, Boycott, and National Education , passed at the 1906 Calcutta session, to be endorsed and extended to the rest of the country with greater vigour. They feared that the Moderates would dilute these resolutions.

The session descended into chaos, and the Congress eventually split, with the Extremists being expelled from the organization.

Consequences and Significance of the Split:

The Surat Split was a watershed moment due to its far-reaching consequences:

1. Weakening of the National Movement: The split weakened the national movement for nearly a decade. Without the Extremists, the Congress lost much of its vitality and mass appeal.
2. British ‘Divide and Rule’ Policy: The British took full advantage of the split. They tried to win over the Moderates with concessions (like the Morley-Minto Reforms of 1909), while brutally suppressing the Extremists. Tilak was arrested and deported to Mandalay (Burma).
3. Rise of Militant Nationalism: With the Congress weakened as a platform, some disillusioned youth were drawn towards revolutionary activities and acts of individual heroism.
4. Reunion and Future Direction: After nearly 9 years, the two factions reunited at the Lucknow session in 1916. The experience of the split taught the Congress leadership that unity was the greatest strength. It set the stage for the arrival of Gandhiji and a unified, mass-based movement under his leadership.

In conclusion, the Surat Split temporarily slowed down the freedom struggle, but it also brought about ideological clarity and taught future leaders the crucial lesson of unity, paving the way for a more robust and inclusive national movement in the Gandhian era.

Q4. Examine V. D. Savarkar’s idea of Hinduttva as cultural nationalism.

Ans. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s idea of ‘Hindutva’ is a significant and controversial concept in modern Indian political thought. It is often misunderstood as religious nationalism, whereas Savarkar himself presented it as a cultural and political nationalism . His book, ‘Hindutva: Who is a Hindu?’ (1923) , elaborates this idea in detail. According to Savarkar, Hindutva and Hinduism are two different things. Hinduism is a creed or a sect, whereas Hindutva is a broader concept that defines the cultural, ethnic, and national identity of the Indian nation. Savarkar defined three essential criteria for being a ‘Hindu’:

1. Pitribhumi (Fatherland): A person whose fatherland is India. This means the person considers India as their motherland and fatherland. This is a geographical and territorial criterion.
2. Jati (Race/Bloodline): A person who is a descendant of the people who have lived in the land stretching from the Indus river to the seas. This emphasizes a sense of common blood or lineage. For Savarkar, ‘Hindu’ is a historical community rooted in this land.
3. Sanskriti (Culture): This is the most crucial criterion. A Hindu is one who shares a common culture, called ‘Sanskriti’. This shared culture includes common laws, rites, festivals, heroes, history, and art. Savarkar believed that this common culture is what binds the Indian people as a nation.

To this definition, Savarkar added another critical element:

Punyabhumi (Holyland)

. He argued that only those people could be true members of the Indian nation whose fatherland and holyland are both within India. Based on this logic, he excluded Muslims and Christians from the definition of Hindutva because their holylands (Mecca and Jerusalem) are outside India. According to him, their loyalties could be divided.

Analysis as Cultural Nationalism:

Savarkar’s Hindutva is distinctly a form of cultural nationalism because it bases the nation not on religion or mode of worship, but on a shared civilization, history, and cultural heritage. He included Jains, Buddhists, Sikhs, and various Hindu sects within the broad ambit of Hindutva because their holyland is in India and they are part of this shared culture. His aim was to create a unified and strong Hindu identity that could withstand colonial rule and internal divisions.

However, due to the condition of Punyabhumi, his nationalism is considered exclusionary rather than inclusive. Critics argue that it casts India’s religious minorities as ‘the other’ and imagines a homogenous, Hindu-centric nation, which goes against India’s diversity.

Q5. Describe Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s views on Hindu- Muslim unity.

Ans. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan (1817-1898) was a prominent Muslim reformer, educationist, and political thinker of the 19th century. His views on Hindu-Muslim unity are complex and show a variation in two distinct phases of his life. Early Phase: Advocate of Unity In the early phase of his career, Sir Syed was a strong proponent of Hindu-Muslim unity. After the Revolt of 1857, he felt that it was essential for the two communities to come together for the progress of India. He believed that the terms ‘Hindu’ and ‘Muslim’ merely denoted religious distinction, but as a nation, they were all ‘Hindustani’. His most famous quote belongs to this period, where he described India as a “beautiful bride” whose “two eyes are the Hindus and the Muslims” . He stated that the bride’s beauty would be ruined if either of the eyes were harmed. In this phase, he advocated for cooperation between the two communities at a social and cultural level. The Scientific Society he founded had both Hindus and Muslims participating equally. Later Phase: Shift towards Political Separation A significant shift occurred in Sir Syed’s views after the founding of the Indian National Congress in 1885. He feared that the system of representative democracy and competitive examinations advocated by the Congress, based on the principle of ‘one man, one vote’, would be detrimental to the Muslims of India. Since Hindus were the majority in population, Sir Syed felt that Muslims would be politically sidelined and their voice would go unheard in any democratic framework. This fear led him to oppose the Congress and advise Muslims to stay away from it. His arguments were as follows:

• Educational Backwardness: He felt that Muslims were educationally backward compared to Hindus and were not prepared to face them in competitive examinations or political contests.
• Conflict of Political Interests: He came to believe that the political interests of Hindus and Muslims were different and that the Congress primarily represented Hindu interests.
• Loyalty to British Rule: Sir Syed believed that the best interests of the Muslims could be served through cooperation with and loyalty to the British government, not by opposing it. He urged Muslims to stay away from politics and focus on their educational and social upliftment. It was for this purpose that he established the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh in 1875.

In conclusion, while Sir Syed Ahmed Khan desired Hindu-Muslim unity on a social and cultural level, in the political sphere, he became an advocate for a separate path for Muslims. He believed that political competition would breed animosity between the two communities. This changed perspective inadvertently sowed the seeds of communal separatism in Indian politics, which later had a profound impact on the development of the ‘two-nation theory’.

Q6. Examine Jaipal Singh’s role in mobilizing Adivasi identity.

Ans. Jaipal Singh Munda (1903-1970) was one of the most significant leaders in 20th-century India who articulated and politically organized the Adivasi identity. An Oxford graduate and an outstanding hockey player, he used his unique background to raise the voice of India’s tribals on the national stage. His role in mobilizing Adivasi identity was multifaceted and profound. 1. Leadership of Adivasi Mahasabha: In 1939, Jaipal Singh became the president of the Adivasi Mahasabha , which was initially a socio-cultural organization for the tribals of Chotanagpur. Under his leadership, it transformed into a powerful political organization. He popularized the term ‘Adivasi’ as a unifying political identity, bringing various tribes like Munda, Santhal, Ho, Oraon, etc., onto a common platform. He emphasized the idea that Adivasis were the original inhabitants of India and had a distinct historical and cultural identity different from the caste-based Hindu society. 2. Demand for a Separate State of ‘Jharkhand’: Jaipal Singh sought to give a geographical and political expression to the Adivasi identity. From the platform of the Adivasi Mahasabha, he prominently raised the demand for a separate state of ‘Jharkhand’ , to be carved out of the tribal-dominated areas of Bihar, Orissa, and Madhya Pradesh. He argued that a separate state would enable the Adivasis to protect their culture, language, traditional systems of governance, and save themselves from the exploitation by outsiders (‘dikus’). This demand became the focal point of Adivasi political aspirations. 3. Adivasi Voice in the Constituent Assembly: As a member of the Constituent Assembly, Jaipal Singh was a powerful and articulate voice for the rights of Adivasis. In his famous speech in the Assembly, he declared, “As a jungli, as an Adibasi, I am not expected to understand the legal intricacies of the Resolution.” He stressed that tribal societies were inherently egalitarian and democratic. He played a crucial role in ensuring that special safeguards for tribals were included in the Constitution. These included:

• Fifth and Sixth Schedules: These schedules provide a framework for self-governance and cultural autonomy in tribal areas.
• Reservations: He strongly advocated for reservations for Scheduled Tribes (STs) in legislatures and government jobs.

4. Politicization of Identity:

Jaipal Singh successfully transformed tribal grievances into a coherent political agenda. He made Adivasis feel that they were not scattered, powerless groups but a political community with a collective identity and shared interests. He turned the ‘Adivasi’ identity into a symbol of pride and self-respect.

In conclusion, Jaipal Singh Munda played a historic role in mobilizing and politically asserting the Adivasi identity by uniting diverse tribal groups under the broad banner of ‘Adivasi’, articulating the demand for a separate state of Jharkhand, and fighting for their rights in the Constituent Assembly.

Q7. How did M. K. Gandhi formulate the relationship between politics and religion ? Elaborate.

Ans. For Mahatma Gandhi, politics and religion were inextricably linked. Contrary to modern Western thought, which advocates for the separation of politics from religion, he proposed an approach where politics was to be founded on a moral and spiritual basis. For Gandhi, politics without religion was a “death-trap because it kills the soul.” Gandhi’s Conception of Religion: It is crucial to understand that when Gandhi used the word ‘religion’, he did not mean any particular creed, sect, or organized religion. For him, the essence of religion was morality and ethics . It was an inner truth and a universal moral law that exists at the core of all organized religions—Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, etc. He propagated the principle of ‘Sarva Dharma Sama Bhava’ , which means all religions are equal and lead to the same truth. His religion was therefore inclusive and universal, not exclusionary or sectarian. Spiritualization of Politics: Gandhi’s main objective was the ‘spiritualization of politics’. He believed that political life should be guided by the same ethical principles that govern personal life, such as truth, non-violence, and self-sacrifice.

• Satya and Ahimsa: These were the two pillars of Gandhi’s political philosophy. He insisted that the means used to achieve political ends must be as pure as the ends themselves. Therefore, for the freedom struggle, he adopted the method of ‘Satyagraha’ (insistence on truth), which was based on non-violent resistance.
• Concept of Ram Rajya: Gandhi often spoke of ‘Ram Rajya’, which confused many. For him, Ram Rajya did not mean the establishment of a Hindu theocratic state, but the ‘Kingdom of God’ or an ‘ideal state’ where truth and justice would prevail. It was a state where even the poorest and weakest person would experience justice and equality (Sarvodaya).

Opposition to Communalism:

Ironically, despite linking religion and politics, Gandhi was a staunch opponent of communalism and the use of religion for political mobilization that fosters communal hatred and division. He opposed the politicization of religion. He believed that true religion unites people, it does not divide them. He dedicated his entire life to Hindu-Muslim unity and ultimately sacrificed his life for this cause.

In conclusion, Gandhi linked religion to politics to give it a moral direction. He saw religion as a source of ethics, truth, and universal love, which was necessary to save political action from selfishness, power-lust, and corruption. His approach was to make politics a means of service and self-sacrifice, not a tool for capturing power.

Q8. Analyse Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s under- standing of caste and untouchability.

Ans. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s understanding of caste and untouchability is foundational and revolutionary in Indian social and political thought. He viewed it not merely as a social problem, but as the structural foundation of Hindu society. His analysis was based on his personal experiences and deep academic study. Understanding of Caste: Ambedkar rejected the traditional explanations of the caste system. His analysis focused on several key points:

1. Not a Division of Labour, but a Division of Labourers: Ambedkar argued that the caste system is not just a division of labour, as many contended, but a ‘graded division of labourers’ . It is a system that locks individuals into occupations based on their birth, denying them the freedom to choose their profession.
2. Graded Inequality: For Ambedkar, the most pernicious feature of the caste system is its structure of ‘graded inequality’. It is a ladder where castes are placed one above the other, with each caste feeling superior to the one below it and inferior to the one above it. He called it a scale of “ascending reverence and descending contempt.” This structure ensures that the castes can never unite to rebel against the system, as each caste has a vested interest in the privilege of domination over the caste below it.
3. Endogamy: Ambedkar identified that the core element of the caste system is ‘endogamy’ , or the practice of marrying within one’s own caste. This is the mechanism that maintains the boundaries of caste and reproduces it from generation to generation.

Understanding of Untouchability:

Ambedkar considered untouchability to be a logical and inevitable outcome of the caste system. He rejected the term ‘Harijan’ (children of God) given by Gandhi, as it downplayed the horror of the problem and presented a patronizing view.

• Integral to Hinduism: Unlike Gandhi, who believed that untouchability was a blot on Hinduism that could be removed, Ambedkar argued that untouchability was deeply rooted in the religio-philosophical tenets of Hinduism, particularly the concepts of purity and pollution. It was not an external evil but an integral part of the system.
• Beyond Social Boycott: Ambedkar explained that untouchability is not limited to just ‘not touching’. It is a system of comprehensive social, economic, and political exclusion that denies Dalits access to education, property, and a life of dignity.

Solution: Annihilation of Caste

Based on this analysis, Ambedkar concluded that the caste system could not be reformed; it had to be completely

annihilated

. In his famous work,

‘Annihilation of Caste’

, he argued that unless Hindu society challenges the divinity of its scriptures (the Shastras), which sanction caste, the annihilation of caste is impossible. Ultimately, seeing no hope for reform within Hinduism, he converted to Buddhism in 1956 with millions of his followers, which for him was a symbolic and real liberation from the shackles of caste and untouchability.

Q9. Discuss E. M. 5. Namboodiripad’s views on caste-conflicts.

Ans. Elamkulam Manakkal Sankaran Namboodiripad (E.M.S.) was a prominent Indian communist leader, theorist, and the first Chief Minister of Kerala. His views on caste conflict represent a significant attempt to apply traditional Marxist analysis to the specific Indian social context. He saw caste not merely as a social or cultural phenomenon but as an integral part of India’s specific historico-economic development. The Link between Caste, Class, and Mode of Production: E.M.S.’s central argument was that in India, caste and class are inextricably linked. Using the classical Marxist model of ‘base and superstructure’, he argued that:

• Feudal Mode of Production: In pre-capitalist, feudal India, the caste system was the superstructure to the economic base , i.e., the agrarian mode of production. Caste regulated the relations of production. The upper castes (Brahmins, Kshatriyas) were the landowning, surplus-appropriating classes, while the lower castes and untouchables were the peasants and labourers directly engaged in production. Thus, the caste hierarchy largely corresponded with the class hierarchy.
• Caste-based Exploitation: According to E.M.S., feudal exploitation was not just economic but was enforced through caste-based social and cultural oppression. Caste provided the ruling classes with a powerful ideological tool to divide and control the labouring masses.

Capitalism and Caste:

E.M.S. acknowledged that the advent of British colonial rule and capitalism disrupted the traditional caste-class relations. However, capitalism did not completely destroy caste, as had happened with European feudalism. Instead, capitalism adapted and modified the caste system for its own purposes.

• He argued that capitalist development created a new proletariat class, comprising people from different castes. This broke down caste barriers to some extent.
• But at the same time, the bourgeoisie continued to use caste divisions to prevent the development of class consciousness. Caste identity often trumped class solidarity.

Strategy for Struggle:

Based on this analysis, E.M.S. argued that the socialist revolution in India required a dual strategy:

1. Class Struggle: The class struggle against capitalist and feudal exploitation is central. It is necessary to unite the peasants and workers based on their shared class interests.
2. Anti-Caste Struggle: However, the class struggle cannot be separated from the struggle against caste oppression. The communist movement must actively fight against the caste system and untouchability, and support the struggle of the lower castes for democratic rights and social dignity.

E.M.S. believed that the anti-caste struggle had to be made a part of the democratic revolution, which would eventually pave the way for a socialist revolution. In short, for him, the caste conflict and the class conflict were two sides of the same coin, and success in one was not possible without success in the other.

Q10. Write a note on socialist thought of Jai Prakash Narayan.

Ans. Jayaprakash Narayan (JP) was one of the most influential and original political thinkers of modern India. His socialist ideas were not static but evolved over time. His ideological journey can be broadly divided into three phases: Marxist socialism, democratic socialism, and finally, Sarvodaya and Total Revolution. 1. Phase of Marxist Socialism: In his early years, especially during his education in the United States, JP was heavily influenced by Marxism. He believed in the principles of class struggle, revolution, and the overthrow of capitalism. Upon returning to India, he joined the Indian National Congress but soon became disillusioned with Gandhian methods, which he considered slow and ineffective. In 1934, he co-founded the Congress Socialist Party (CSP) , a left-leaning group within the Congress. In this phase, JP advocated a socialism inspired by the Soviet model, although he was critical of Stalinist excesses. 2. Phase of Democratic Socialism: Gradually, JP became disillusioned with Marxism and the dictatorial nature of the Soviet Union. He realized that socialism must be combined with the values of democracy and individual freedom. After World War II, he emerged as a firm democratic socialist . He argued that socialism is not just about economic equality; it is incomplete without political and personal freedom. He envisioned a socialist state based on parliamentary democracy, decentralized economic planning, and cooperatives. He broke away from the Congress to form the Socialist Party, but met with limited success in electoral politics. 3. Phase of Sarvodaya and Total Revolution: By the mid-1950s, JP became completely disillusioned with party politics and the politics of power. He retired from active politics in 1954 and joined Vinoba Bhave’s Bhoodan movement and the philosophy of Sarvodaya (rise/welfare of all). This was a Gandhian turn in his thought. He argued that true social change could not come through state power but through the moral and spiritual upliftment of the people. The final and most famous phase of his thought came in the 1970s. In response to the growing corruption and authoritarianism of the Indira Gandhi government, JP called for a ‘Total Revolution’ (Sampoorna Kranti) . This was not merely a call to change the government, but a call for a revolutionary transformation in every aspect of society—social, economic, political, cultural, educational, and moral. He put forward the idea of a ‘Partyless Democracy’ , where power would be decentralized and people would participate directly in governance through local ‘Jan Samitis’ (People’s Committees). His idea presented a powerful alternative to the centralization of power and remains relevant today.